A leading clinical child psychologist, Dr. Brian
Allen of the Center for the Protection of Children, Penn State Hershey Children’s
Hospital, has stood up to make an important statement. His recent article,
still in early online form in the new journal Evidence-based Practice in Child and Adolescent Mental Health, is
entitled “A RADical idea: A call to eliminate ‘attachment disorder’ and ‘attachment
therapy’ from the clinical lexicon”.
Noting that those two terms are well entrenched in graduate
education, parenting information, adoption work, and so on, Allen points out
that “neither of these two concepts is empirically sound as commonly practiced”.
In other words, the assumptions frequently made about the nature of attachment,
even by well-trained and legitimate practitioners, are often unsupported by systematic
evidence.
One source of confusion about “attachment” as a
clinical concept is that attachment behavior and attachment theory are two very different
things. Attachment behavior is observable and happens in the great majority of
children between about 9 months and about three years of age. It involves responding
to threats or discomfort by getting and staying close to familiar caregivers.
Although most children do this, the manner and intensity of their behavior
depends in part on individual differences and on the caregiver’s response.
Children who have experienced many changes of caregiver, or who have had insensitive
or unresponsive caregivers, will still
show some attachment behavior in most cases, but (as Mary Dozier has shown)
their behavior may be so subtle and understated that caregivers have trouble
noticing it-- for example, they may just
glance up at a caregiver who leaves the room, rather than bursting into tears
and following him.
Attachment theory, like all theories, attempts to put
observable attachment behavior into a framework that makes sense and helps us
predict what kind of behavior may occur later. In John Bowlby’s first
formulation of attachment theory, he proposed a framework that included the
development of an internal working model (IWM) of social relationship. The IWM
would begin with what a baby learned in the early relationship with a caregiver,
including the valuable comfort of being able to get close to the caregiver in
distressing circumstances.
The theory of the IWM, and its changes as a result
of maturation and experience, provided an explanatory framework for the ways
attachment behavior changes with age. As Allen points out, a basic fact about
attachment behavior is that it alters as a result of a variety of experiences
and goes on altering for many years. Later attachment behavior is not entirely
determined by early events, and the
later events that affect this behavior do not always seem to have anything to
do directly with attachment (e.g., mothers’ confidence). It is a great mistake
to try to cherry-pick portions of attachment theory , such as the importance of
early sensitive and responsive caregiving, but to neglect the message of this
theory about the long-term changing and reshaping of attachment behavior as the
result of a range of experiences. Unfortunately, terms like “attachment
disorder” and “attachment therapy” have become shorthand for “early caregiving
effects”, and their use often implies that the user is ignoring the larger
picture of attachment theory.
With respect to the term Reactive Attachment Disorder,
once thought of as encompassing two separate and somewhat opposed forms, Allen
points out that one of those forms is now described as Disinhibited Social
Engagement Disorder and divorced in
terminology and otherwise from the attachment
concept. The remaining use of the term Reactive Attachment Disorder is applied
to a very small proportion even of children
with histories of severely neglect. What’s more, this disorder appears no
longer to be present after children have been in family settings for a while,
so presumably these children were not locked into the effects of their earliest
caregiving experiences, but like anyone else are able to continue the
development of their models of social relationships on the basis of maturation
and new experiences. This means that the word “attachment” in the current name
of this diagnosis has little meaning--
but it particularly lacks the very narrow meaning so often ascribed to it.
Allen proposes that we stop using terms that incorrectly
attribute behavioral problems to attachment difficulties, and that we stop
saying we are treating attachment when in fact we are working with specific
problems of parents and children. Not all relationship problems are attachment
problems, and many behavior problems are not relationship problems in any case. When we use terms that confuse
the issues both of causes and of treatments, we make ourselves more likely to
make serious mistakes.
What do we do then? How do we change the familiar
names that make us think, wrongly, that we are actually talking about a specific
aspect of attachment? Allen suggests a new emphasis on outlining the problems a child or family is
experiencing-- for example, aggressive behavior
or callous/unemotional traits-- and
adding to these what we know of a history of maltreatment. Then, treat the
problems with well-established treatments, and, I would say, forget the popular
belief that treating the problems successfully is wrong because it ignores the “underlying” cause.
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