To speak of someone as “insecure” is one of the
great vague negative comments of the 21st century. Insecurity is
thought to be the cause of all kinds of problem moods and behaviors like
jealousy, backbiting, and oversensitivity to criticism. When children seem
insecure, Americans are often disturbed by the idea that they won’t grow to be
independent and self-sufficient, as our national values have long stressed.
Such children are supposed to be forced to become “not insecure”-- the classic example is this dialogue: “He’s
always carrying that blanket around. He must be insecure.” “Yeah, we’d better
take the blanket away from him.”
All this concern about insecurity is amplified when
the reference is to insecure attachment. Attachment
is important, and (as above) insecurity is important, so insecure attachment
must be extra important. Judges making child custody decisions may ask
questions about it even if expert witness psychologists have not mentioned the
issue.
But, when you come down to it, insecure attachment
is well within the normal range of development. It may be not be ideal, but
it’s okay. Insecurely attached kids grow up, go to school, have friends, get
jobs, get married, etc. Any problems they have may be related to temperament,
learning difficulties, socioeconomic status, or the continuing effect of
whatever it was about their families that made them insecurely attached to
begin with, just as much as it is
related to the insecure attachment specifically.
When Mary Ainsworth, John Bowlby’s colleague, did
her original work with toddlers tested on the Strange Situation, she assigned 65%
of them to Group B (later called securely attached), 20% to Group A
(insecure-avoidant), and about 15% to Group C (insecure-ambivalent). The Group
A children responded to brief separation and then reunion with their mothers by
avoiding or snubbing the returning mothers; Group B actively sought contact
with the returning mothers and were easily comforted; Group C were anxious
while the mother was gone, and when she came back they went to her but pushed
her away or resisted her. (Ainsworth did not use the disorganized/disoriented
attachment category, which was created later).
What if Ainsworth had never used the terms insecure-avoidant,
insecure-ambivalent, or secure? Would we be so worried about a child placed in
Group A or C by a trained observer if we didn’t use the word security to
describe what’s going on? I would speculate that we might not have so much
concern if we didn’t already associate insecurity with undesirable mood and
characteristics, especially the American bug-a-boo, lack of independence.
Ainsworth did not create her classification plan by
following the children, seeing what characteristics they later developed, and
retrospectively labeling the toddler behaviors in terms that depended on
demonstrated childhood or adult characteristics. No—she started her work with Bowlby with an existing
assumption about security as a foundation for personality. While a graduate student in Toronto in the
1940s, Ainsworth worked with William Blatz, who did not publish much but who
had formulated a theory of personality that stressed early development and the
basic need for exploration and learning. (For interested readers, I should
point out that I am using only a small amount of the information about Blatz
provided by van Rosenmal, van der Horst,
and van der Veer in their 2016 paper “From secure dependency to attachment”,
History of Psychology, Vol. 19, pp.22-39). Blatz defined security as “the state
of consciousness that accompanies a willingness to accept the consequences of
one’s own decisions and actions”, or occurred if someone else could be depended
on to help with the consequences. Young children experience an immature,
dependent security, but when they are
sure an adult will help them, they can explore and use the adult as a secure
base. Confidence and movement toward independence come with exploration and
learning about the world. Initially, Blatz felt, a stable mother/caregiver was
essential, but as the child explores further, a whole social network comes into
the picture. People who do not have a stable caregiver or who do not learn
successfully from exploration have to depend on defense mechanisms like rationalization
to deal with the discomfort of insecurity.
In the first work that Ainsworth and Bowlby did
together, they referred to the positive relationship between mother and child
as one of “secure dependency”. Not much later, however, they substituted the term
“attachment” for “secure dependency”—“attachment”
having been used for a long time to mean something like “devotion” in adult
relationships. Thus, “attachment” and “security” developed the connection that
is now so well known, leading many people to assume that an insecure attachment
is no attachment at all.
Am I suggesting that early attachment has no
significance at all? No, of course not. Early attachment behavior is a
reasonably good proxy measure for how caregivers act toward the child, and how
caregivers act toward the child will help shape development throughout
childhood and adolescence. Certainly, the small proportion of children who show
disorganized attachment by freezing or falling to the floor when reunited with
the primary caregiver are showing us that there are problems in the relationship
(often associated with traumatic experiences the caregiver has had). These
parents and children need help to improve their situations.
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