“It is a common but dangerous error to attribute all
moral to mental obliquities”—an important statement made in 1842 by Thomas
Hood, the poet and social thinker (“Song of the Shirt”, etc.). Hood said this
in the course of rebuking Charles Dickens for taking a too lenient view of
behavior associated with emotional disturbance, but curiously enough his
comment can be part of a discussion of alternative psychotherapies (APs).
APs, as I have suggested the term, are psychological
treatments that are neither based on systematic empirical evidence of
effectiveness and safety, nor derived from conventional psychological theories
current today. They are potentially harmful, sometimes seriously and directly
so, sometimes in an indirect way because they use time and family resources and
interfere with evidence-based treatment.
In addition to the commonalities just mentioned, some
APs make a point of claiming that the emotional disorders they claim to treat
are caused by or accompanied by cognitive problems of various kinds, which also
need treatment because of the behavioral and other problems they can cause.
As the AP Recovered Memory Therapy (RMT) suggests in
its name, emotional and behavioral disturbance is attributed by advocates of
this view to repression of memory of traumatic events. This interference with
cognition cannot be consciously overcome because it involves an emotional
defense mechanism that saves the victim from the anxiety associated with a
frightening memory. RMT proponents add to this claim of disturbed cognitive
functioning the belief that the repressed memory operates “beneath the surface”
to bring about unwanted behavior and unwanted emotional experiences that
interfere with the person’s normal life. If the victim can be helped to
remember a traumatic event, it is reasoned, the effects of the previously
repressed memory will disappear. Unfortunately for this viewpoint, the evidence
is that traumatic memories are not repressed and may be experienced vividly or
be consciously avoided by the victim of the events. Other explanations than
this cognitive one need to be found for behavioral and emotional problems
following trauma—especially because RMT may well induce false memories of
events that did not occur at all or did not occur in the form now remembered.
However, RMT is a good example of the use of mental to explain moral
obliquities.
The AP Attachment Therapy (AT) similarly assumes a
cognitive factor in a claimed emotional disturbance. This disturbance,
sometimes referred to by AT proponents as Attachment Disorder (not listed in
any of the DSM volumes) and sometimes as Reactive Attachment Disorder (listed
for years in DSM, but with changing definitions, all different from those used
by AT proponents). A cognitive problem
often named by AT proponents as an aspect of attachment disorder is difficulty
with cause-and-effect thinking. AT advocates have gone so far as saying that
children whom they have diagnosed with attachment disorders cannot in fact
connect causes with outcomes and that this is why they continue to show
unwanted behavior even though severely punished for it. However, the idea that
any human being of more than minimal intelligence, one who is able to learn
some degree of language, cannot associate causes and effects is nonsensical. With
a technique developed years ago by Caroline Rovee-Collier, where a baby’s
kicking causes a mobile to turn, it can be shown that 2-month-olds learn the
connection and kick when they see the mobile, in 7 to 9 minutes; 6-month-olds
learn in only 1 to 3 minutes. A genuine failure to make all cause and effect
connections would make most activities of daily living impossible—how, for
example, to learn that you make the toothpaste come out by squeezing the tube?
Some cause and effect associations are much more complicated and difficult to
figure out (why does holding down the power button dissipate static electricity
and let my laptop turn on?), but not knowing what causes a specific outcome is
different from not knowing that effects have causes. It would appear that the
AT claim about cause-and-effect thinking is in actual fact an attempt to
describe situations where children are not easily disciplined through
punishment or threats of punishment, and to do so using important-sounding
terms that ordinarily refer to cognitive abilities. These situations are more
likely to have to do with caregivers’ capacity to structure instruction,
rewards, and punishments effectively than to result from children’s cognitive
incapacity; if a child really could not associate cause and effect, this would
be very obvious in all his or her behavior.
A third AT whose advocates use ideas about cognition
to try to explain or support their views is represented by the various Parental
Alienation (PA) treatments. PA proponents claim that children and adolescents
whose parents are in high-conflict divorces may be “alienated” by the actions
of a preferred parent and thus reject contact with the other parent. The rejecting
attitude is said to be clearly PA when the child or adolescent (most commonly a
young teenager) shows certain cognitive characteristics as well as avoiding a
parent. The child is said to have “black and white thinking”, with a highly
polarized view of the parents, one being considered “all good” and the other
“all bad”. PA advocates also suggest that such children display “borrowed
scenarios” in which they insist that all their beliefs and conclusions are
their own, but in fact (according to the advocates) their stories and
explanations actually belong to the preferred parent, who has “brainwashed” the
child. These cognitive characteristics are argued to be created by the
alienating actions of the preferred parent. Unfortunately for claims of the
validity of these views, PA proponents have done nothing whatever to test
whether children who avoid a parent are in fact different on these matters than
other children matched for age and for family stress of some other type than
divorce. Before it can be argued that
one parent’s actions caused a difference, it’s necessary to show that there
actually is a difference.
Let’s consider briefly what kind of thinking we would
expect of young adolescents. Note, to begin with, that every one of us has a
maximum level of cognitive skill which we can display under ideal conditions,
with plenty of time, no fatigue or other discomfort, and with information that
is familiar to us. As soon as we are tired, under pressure, frightened, or
having to deal with unfamiliar material, we no longer operate at that highest
possible cognitive level. These constraints all apply to children and
adolescents as well as to adults’ experiences.
At their best level of cognitive performance, many
(but by no means all) young teenagers can use what Piaget called formal
operational thought. They can consider how several factors affect an outcome
and can deal with comparisons like differences in proportions. For an academic
example, they could consider weighing things with a balance and how the scale
is affected not just by the weight of an object but by the object’s position on
the arm of the balance. Because they can consider ratios and proportions (for
which they have to think about two factors simultaneously), they can also deal
with probabilities and with the ways we can use them to predict what might
happen in a given situation. They can use the “form” or structure of a problem
to find comparisons or analogies that could guide their problem-solving. Under
ideal circumstances, then, they would not do polarized, “black and white” thinking,
but would be able to deal with multiple facts.
But is this what we would always expect to happen
with, say, a 14-year-old, even if he or she could do these cognitive tasks
under ideal conditions? No, it is not, and this is particularly true when the
teenager is caught in a high-conflict divorce. Cognitive performance will not
be at its best level when the adolescent is anxious in general, worried about
unwanted outcomes, possibly frightened of one (or even both) parents, and
deprived by the situation of ordinary freedom, friendship, activity, and fun.
These factors alone would reduce the level of cognitive performance and make it
less likely that the teenager could consider proportions, multiple causes and
effects, or mixed characteristics of human beings. Add to this the fact that
divorce and the new family situation are complex and unfamiliar to adolescents
(even adults are not likely to feel they understand what is happening when they
go through such transitions). The upshot is that there are plenty of reasons
why kids in the midst of divorce might think in immature, all-or-nothing terms
with or without any “brainwashing” from the preferred parent. It would not be
surprising if this were to occur for young adolescents in any kind of severe
family transition, divorce or otherwise—and to make their case, PA proponents need
to show that children of high-conflict divorce show more polarization than do
other children in other fraught circumstances. (They have not done so.)
AS long as proponents of APs push the idea of
cognitive problems, it behooves the rest of us to give a good deal of thought
to cognitive development and the circumstances that influence cognitive
performance.
Just checking if this comment thing works
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