Over the decade or so that I’ve been looking at
Attachment Therapy and other unconventional treatments, I’ve puzzled many times
over the idea of a “first-year attachment cycle” that culminates in something
called basic trust , followed by a second-year cycle that sets limits for
toddlers. The two of these are said to add up to secure attachment. But
although conventional developmental psychology certainly uses the concept of
attachment and different security statuses, the other ideas are not part of
conventional, evidence-based child development studies.
The Attachment Therapist Foster Cline described an “attachment
cycle” in some of his work in the 1990s. He apparently picked up the idea from
Vera Fahlberg, who was a visitor in Evergreen, CO (home of Attachment Therapy
as a cottage industry), and Fahlberg in turn attributed a diagram of the “attachment
cycle” to Rene’ Spitz, a psychiatrist who studied young children separated from
their mothers and who spoke of anaclitic depression as a result of such separation.
According to Fahlberg, the “attachment cycle” involved a child’s repeated
experiences of need for food or other care, followed by a parental response. Parents
who responded quickly and sensitively fostered the development of secure attachment,
while neglectful or abusive parents did not. Somewhere along the line-- and I have yet to figure out where-- someone inserted the idea that secure
attachment depended on limit-setting that convinces the toddler that parents
are powerful and authoritative, and therefore trustworthy.
This set of beliefs is promulgated in the writings
of Foster Cline, Nancy Thomas, and other related authors, and is repeated in
popular books about adoption and fostering and on Internet sites advising on
those subjects .
Where did these ideas come from? Once again, the “attachment
cycle” theory, as described by Cline and others, is not derived from any aspect
of conventional developmental psychology. Like many “alternative psychologies”,
it shares some terminology and some ideas with conventional work, of course.
The ideas that infants and toddlers develop emotional attachment to caregivers
and that their attachment serves as the foundation for later social
relationships is part of the work of John Bowlby, a British psychiatrist whose
approach is a foundation of present-day developmental psychology. The idea that
attachment can be secure or otherwise was suggested by Bowlby’s colleague Mary
Salter Ainsworth, who in her turn had derived it from the security-focused work
of her dissertation adviser. Bowlby associated attachment with the social
aspects of caregiving, rather than with feeding and physical care-- and in this he disagreed with Freud’s
earlier “cupboard love” theory of attachment as resulting from feeding
experiences. However, except in very unusual cases, social aspects of
caregiving are combined with physical aspects, and the person who feeds,
cleans, and comforts a baby is usually also the one who smiles, tickles, plays
peek-a-boo, and so on, so it’s difficult to separate these two factors and see
how each influences attachment.
It looks as if proponents of the “attachment cycle”
also picked up some ideas from Erik Erikson, a student of Freud, and tutor at
one time to Jung’s children. In Erikson’s book Childhood and society he offered a re-framing of Freud’s psychosexual
stages of development as psychosocial
stages aligned with the demands maturation and society make on an individual at
different ages. In Childhood and society,
and later in Identity, youth, and
crisis, Erikson offered the idea of a life cycle (not an “attachment cycle”)
in which life presents repeated crises (points at which old ways of doing
things no longer work) to the developing person, forcing changes in personality
and functioning. As discussed in Identity,
youth, and crisis, these crises separate stages of personality development
that are characterized by specific concerns such as the development of a sense
of trust. Earlier stages foreshadow later ones, as Erikson described in a
famous table in Identity, youth, and
crisis which indicates relationships between infant and adolescent issues
as well as the foreshadowing of concerns of later life by adolescent
development.
Erikson’s view of basic trust identified trust as a
foundation for a healthy personality able to deal with both gratifying and
distressing aspects of the world. However, he did not equate basic trust with
attachment. On the contrary, he noted the need for an appropriate balance of
basic trust and basic mistrust in the world. In addition, he stated the
following about adults who show basic mistrust: “a radical impairment of basic
trust is expressed in a particular form of severe estrangement which
characterizes individuals who withdraw into themselves when at odds with
themselves and with others. Such withdrawal is most strikingly displayed by
individuals who regress into psychotic states in which they sometimes close up,
refusing food and comfort and becoming oblivious to companionship. What is most
radically missing from them can be seen from the fact that as we attempt to assist
them with psychotherapy, we must try to ‘reach’ them with the specific intent
of convincing them that they can trust us to trust them and that they can trust
themselves” (Identity…, p. 97).
Although Erikson identifies “total rage” as an infant response to frustration
and an aspect of mistrust, he does not include rage, interpersonal aggression,
or violence as part of adult mistrust--
unlike authors who cite the “attachment cycle” and attribute adult
criminality to attachment problems.
What about that “second-year attachment cycle”?
Authors who use this concept have claimed that secure attachment is not simply
a matter of early experience with sensitive, socially- responsive care, but
that secure attachment can result only from setting of limits and the clear
identification of caregivers as powerful and authoritative figures on whom the
child must depend entirely (and whom, by extension, he had better not offend). If secure attachment is present and
measurable at age 12 months, as Ainsworth and others have reported, it is
difficult to see how events in the second year come into the picture. It may be
that authors referring to the “second-year attachment cycle” found themselves
searching for a rationale for their claim that child obedience was indicative
of secure attachment, when in fact the emphasis on obedience emerged from other
values (for example, those of American fundamentalist Protestantism, with their
sources in early Calvinism).
How does Erikson’s work jibe with the “second-year
attachment cycle”? Erikson was of course aware that the toddler period is one
in which parents all over the world seek to curb young children’s impulsiveness,
keep them and others safe, and begin the task of socializing them into
acceptable members of family and society. These parental efforts can and do
trigger the resistance so characteristic of this age group. However, Erikson’s
concerns were not about periods of resistance, but instead about the potential outcome
of toddler experiences, which he saw as a “choice” (to over-simplify) between a
sense of autonomy and a sense of shame and doubt about the self. Erikson, whose personal and political experiences
led him to favor individualism, saw a confident autonomy as advantageous to the
individual, and a sense of a self threatened by shame and disapproval as
disadvantageous to mature personality development. Although both autonomy and
shame would be played out in a social context, especially within the family,
Erikson did not focus on a need to emphasize parental power or authority during
the toddler period, except in the sense that consistency and sensitivity to the
child’s needs were critical. (Bowlby, similarly, considered this period as one
of negotiation between parent and child rather than of parental power
assertion.)
Basic trust, although an important part of Erikson’s
theory and a good answer to a lot of exam questions, is by no means the same thing
as attachment. Autonomy is by no means equivalent to any posited “second-year
attachment cycle”. If you see these assumptions made in any material about
attachment, adoption, or child psychotherapy, you may have wandered into an
alternative psychology universe. Be sure to read and make choices with care.
Vera Fahlberg was more than a visitor to Evergreen, Colorado. She married Russ Colburn, the medical director of Forest Heights Lodge. She held this same position at Forest Heights for 13 years and served as a consultant for this Attachment Therapy center thereafter.
ReplyDeletehttp://www.forestheightslodge.org/our-history.html
Forest Heights Lodge is an expensive residential treatment center for boys that specializes in "attachment disorder."
It appears that early on, Forest Heights was involved with Zaslow and "rage reduction therapy." Various infamous Attachment Therapists have worked and/or trained at Forest Heights over the years.
A few years ago, Forest Heights refused my requests for details about their current treatment approach and would not let me see their recommended reading list for parents and staff.
Thanks-- I never realized she was there for such a long time.
ReplyDeleteI REALLY like these blogs! They are very thought provoking. We were looking at getting an attachment therapist, because someone e respect uses one. We have changed our minds and going to look for one that does the child - parent interactive therapy (or something like that). We had no idea what it as about... Until we read some of your blogs. Thank you for taking the time educate foster & adoptive parents.
ReplyDeleteOne more thing. I think there are more unethical therapists out there - rioting reports to fit their "client's" desired outcome than people
Whoa! Did I change someone's mind?! That's amazing. This carrot will keep the little donkey trotting along!
ReplyDelete